In December 2005, trade ministers from around the world gathered in Hong Kong for a crucial meeting that many hoped would revive stalled global trade negotiations. The Sixth WTO Ministerial Conference arrived at a pivotal moment, following the collapse of talks two years earlier in Cancรบn. With expectations deliberately scaled back and deep divisions still evident, the meeting would test whether nations could find even modest common ground on agricultural trade reform and development priorities.
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A meeting marked by lowered expectations
The backdrop to the Hong Kong ministerial was one of caution and uncertainty. After the failed Cancรบn meeting in 2003, negotiators approached Hong Kong with what WTO Director-General Pascal Lamy called a need to “recalibrate” expectations. The ambitious goals of the Doha Development Agenda, launched in 2001 to prioritize developing country concerns, had proven elusive. By November 2005, major players including the United States, European Union, and Brazil acknowledged they couldn’t achieve their original aims at the upcoming meeting.
Rather than risk another dramatic failure, negotiators shifted their focus toward securing incremental progress on issues where some agreement already existed. The conference, held from December 13-18, 2005, brought together representatives from 149 member countries amid thousands of protesters led by South Korean farmers concerned about the impacts of trade liberalization on their livelihoods.
The agriculture deadlock: export subsidies and market access
Agriculture remained the most contentious issue dividing wealthy and developing nations. Export subsidies provided by developed countries, particularly the European Union, had long depressed global agricultural prices and disadvantaged farmers in poorer nations. The United States made an ambitious proposal in October 2005 addressing the three pillars of agricultural protection, but internal EU divisions, especially resistance from France, limited the European response.
After intense negotiations that stretched into the early morning hours, members agreed to eliminate all forms of agricultural export subsidies by the end of 2013. Developing countries had initially pushed for elimination by 2010 but ultimately compromised to accommodate EU concerns. For cotton specifically, a particularly sensitive issue for African nations, developed countries committed to ending export subsidies even earlier by 2006.
However, substantial disagreements persisted on market access questions-how much countries would actually lower their tariffs on agricultural imports. These thorny issues were postponed, with negotiators setting an April 30, 2006 deadline to establish detailed frameworks for tariff reductions.
Beyond agriculture: services and industrial goods
The Hong Kong meeting also addressed non-agricultural market access, adopting the Swiss formula approach that requires steeper tariff cuts on products with higher existing barriers. This technical solution aimed to bring down trade barriers on industrial goods while providing some flexibility for developing countries through less stringent reduction requirements.
In services trade, where developed countries sought greater market opening in developing nations, negotiators linked detailed liberalization requirements to the main declaration text. This was somewhat controversial, as developing countries initially opposed what they saw as overly prescriptive language but eventually accepted the framework under pressure from the EU and United States.
Small victories for least developed countries
One bright spot was the agreement on duty-free and quota-free market access for least developed countries. Developed nations committed to allowing at least 97 percent of LDC products to enter their markets without duties or quotas by 2008. Critics pointed out, however, that the three percent exemption created a significant loophole, allowing wealthy countries to continue protecting politically sensitive sectors like textiles and leather.
The developing country coalition speaks with one voice
A remarkable development at Hong Kong was the unprecedented unity among developing nations. In a historic move, 110 developing countries joined together, bringing together diverse groups including the G-20, G-33, least developed countries, and small economies. Led by Brazil and India, this coalition pushed forcefully for ending rich country subsidies that distorted global agricultural markets.
The G-20, which included major emerging economies like China, South Africa, Brazil, and India alongside smaller developing nations, advocated for ambitious reforms in developed country agriculture policies while seeking flexibility for their own farmers. Their unified stance represented a significant shift in global trade dynamics, demonstrating that developing nations could exercise collective bargaining power rather than simply accepting terms dictated by traditional powers.
As Indian Commerce Minister Kamal Nath emphasized, these nations sought to ensure development remained at the center of negotiations and to end the perpetuation of inequities in the global trading system.
A glass half full or half empty?
Reactions to the Hong Kong Declaration were decidedly mixed. Director-General Lamy declared the round was “back on track” with a rebalancing in favor of developing countries. Many delegations praised the “bottom-up” approach where solutions emerged from member countries themselves rather than being imposed by conference leadership.
Yet the limited scope of achievement was undeniable. The meeting essentially locked in progress on areas where agreement already existed while postponing the most difficult decisions on actual market access. Developed countries expressed disappointment about insufficient ambition, while many NGOs and civil society groups criticized what they saw as a betrayal of development promises. The agreement on export subsidy elimination, while significant in principle, was conditional on resolving other thorny issues and wouldn’t take effect for nearly a decade.
The long road ahead
The Hong Kong meeting bought time for the struggling Doha Round, but it left the hardest work for the future. With an April 2006 deadline to establish concrete frameworks and a target of completing the entire round by the end of 2006, negotiators faced enormous pressure. The clock was ticking, partly because the U.S. President’s fast-track negotiating authority would expire in mid-2007, after which getting any agreement through Congress would become vastly more complicated.
The fundamental tensions that had plagued the negotiations remained unresolved. Developed countries wanted greater access to developing country markets for industrial goods and services. Developing countries wanted genuine reform of agricultural subsidies and meaningful market access for their farm products. Both sides claimed to champion development, but their visions of what that meant in practice diverged sharply.
What do you think? Can incremental progress on trade negotiations truly serve development goals, or do such compromises simply preserve existing inequities? How can the competing interests of agricultural exporters in developing countries and small-scale farmers vulnerable to import competition both be addressed fairly?
References
- https://www.asil.org/insights/volume/9/issue/39/half-full-or-half-empty-hong-kong-wto-ministerial-conference-has
- https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/min05_e/final_text_e.htm
- http://www.ipsnews.net/2005/12/wto-special-historic-union-in-hong-kong/
- https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/min05_e/min05_18dec_e.htm
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